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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over a vast expanse of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a notable victory by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is revered by his followers for his tenacity and his promise to tear down the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma, his family moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—poor, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his anti-rebel campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, accused in destroying the village of Adwah in late 2004, killing over a hundred individuals, including dozens of minors.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become head of a influential militia, a business network, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his soldiers, advancements, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that crushed them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.

International Connections

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a role to police the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's officers also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which killed hundreds, raped women, and allegedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into army businesses, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in Khartoum. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and violence broke out across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

Hemedti's forces obtained modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, deployed against army positions and crucial in the assault on el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory west of the Nile.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses perpetrated by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's forces continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.